248 years ago today, fighting broke out between the British Empire and its troublesome colonists in North America, changing the course of history. How would things have been different had this not happened? What if the British and the colonists had sorted out their differences?

Perhaps the British Empire would have become even more powerful in the 19th and early 20th Centuries, with the economic might of the would-be United States powering the British lion. The British Empire might have become a global hegemon. Perhaps the World War would not have happened, or it might have been mainland Europe against the British.

Perhaps slavery in North America would have ended without the bloodshed of the Civil War. The British outlawed slavery in 1833; this was a contentious event because of the British economy’s reliance on cotton, sugar, and tobacco from the Americans. Perhaps a British Parliament with the albatross of American slavery around its neck would not have had the courage to pass the Slavery Abolition Law. Had an overseas parliament banned slavery in the American colonies, would that have triggered a 19th Century American Revolution? Or would African Americans freed from bondage have avoided the horrors of a failed Reconstruction and Jim Crow?

Ultimately, that is not what happened. British grenadiers, light infantry, and marines marched out of Boston toward Concord, and the Lexington Militia turned out as a warning. Someone pulled a trigger. A few hours later the Massachusetts Militia opened fire on British troops guarding Concord Bridge and drove them from the field.

The fighting had begun, and the world would never be the same.

A haunting (and graphic) video relating the effects of Post-Traumatic Stress. It is interesting: we have to include a warning that the video contains graphic images, but war does not come with such a warning label–the graphic experiences happen without warning.

One of the intriguing things about writing historical fiction is that I tell the story of people who wrote their own stories.

For example, in Gideon Hawke #4, A Constant Thunder, we meet people like Daniel Morgan and Richard Butler, who were fascinating historical figures. Their deeds contributed in no small way to the birth of our Nation, and each plays a role in A Constant Thunder. Butler and Morgan had their portraits painted and had books written about them, so I have a fair idea how they looked and made them tick. (you have to be careful though…in Morgan’s portrait the painter left only a hint of the ugly scar on Morgan’s mouth and left cheek. Morgan got that scar when a Native American musket ball entered the back of his neck and came out his mouth. Now THAT’S a good story!)

Most of my characters, however, achieved no notoriety; I may know them only from names written a muster roll in the 1770s. Sometimes I can learn nothing more. Sometimes a little detective work can reveal some tantalizing hints. For example, when a soldier appears on a company muster roll as a corporal in November 1777, but as a private in February 1778, well…something clearly went awry for that man to be demoted. As a novelist (and former Army company commander) my imagination can generate all sorts of stories to fill in the blanks. When I pick the one I like, it gets woven into the tapestry of my novel, and becomes part of the picture that will be Gideon Hawke #5.

This methodology has other implications, too. Andrew Johnston is an excellent example. In Gideon Hawke #1, This Glorious Cause, I needed a friend and mentor for Gideon. I picked Andrew Johnston from the roll of Chamber’s Company because I saw a note that he was later promoted to Sergeant. That note told me he was a good soldier, and likely to be someone his fellow troops respected. Andrew Johnston the character has done excellent service in that role. But periodically I learn a bit more about the career of the real Andrew Johnston, and I am pleased to say that my assumptions about him appeared to be accurate: he continued to serve well and honorably, and received greater responsibility throughout the war. More will be revealed in book 5.

The more I learn about the men and women who won America’s independence, the more I am humbled. It is a privilege to be able to tell their stories.

 

 

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An interesting discussion of the importance of research in writing historical fiction.

Great news! A Nest of Hornets was nominated for Metamorph Publishing’s Summer Indie Book Award!

The winner is decided by reader vote, and all are welcome! Voting begins on September 1st and ends on September 11th.

I will push the voting link out when it is available. Subscribe to my newsletter for the latest news!

 

Summer Indie Book Awards: Indie Books Award post

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The other week I had the opportunity to do more on-site historical research: this time at Valley Forge and Monmouth!

As I finish Gideon Hawke #4, A Constant Thunder, I have begun research for the yet-to-be-named Gideon Hawke #5. In this installment, after the Saratoga campaign, Gideon and Ruth will find themselves enduring a cold, wet winter at Valley Forge. The Continental Line will undergo a thorough retraining, and Gideon and his new command will be put their training to the test at Monmouth Courthouse.

With this storyline in mind, I headed to two of the most significant sites in the history of the U.S. Army. Having grown up in the Northeast, I have been to both sites before, but this time I came with a better understanding of what happened there.

At Valley Forge I looked in detail at a few particular pieces of ground: Washington’s headquarters, the areas where Gideon’s unit was quartered, and the Grand Parade, where the Army drilled endlessly to ready itself to confront the British once again. I was struck by the size of the Grand Parade; I could envision several Continental brigades maneuvering over hill and valley, deploying from column to line, practicing volley fire, and charging with fixed bayonets. I could envision an Army gaining confidence in itself. Valley Forge did not disappoint.

At Monmouth, on the other hand, I was at first a bit frustrated. I knew that significant portions of the actual battlefield had been covered by urban and suburban sprawl, but after having been spoiled with the beautifully preserved National Parks at Saratoga and Valley Forge, I found the Monmouth State park to be quite a mixed bag: useful brochures, well thought-out trails, and restored fences–all blighted by neglected buildings, missing markers, graffiti, and a confusing array of working fields and orchards. Not to be deterred, I walked the ground, with my very patient and understanding family along for the hike. I was encouraged by a few intact markers detailing the archaeological finds on the battlefield; some of these were directly relevant to the plot of Gideon Hawke #5.

Finally, our patience was rewarded by what was to me one of the highlights of the trip: tracing the route of the light infantry counterattack at the close of the battle, when Washington launched a few battalions of “picked men” along the Spotswood North Brook in a move against the British right flank. I was able to scramble up the bank and emerge from the woods, envisioning the Continental troops deploying on line, and a battalion of Royal Highlanders forming up and wheeling right to meet them. I could also see the ridge where the American guns were posted, and could envision American grapeshot skimming through the field and skipping across the ground into the British ranks. (Archaeologists have recovered a good deal of that fired grapeshot, confirming the British positions) Then we were able to walk along the line where the Americans marched in parade-ground formation, closed the distance to the Highlanders, and finally traded volleys with their foes in the open field. As we stood there, I could imagine the Continental troops’ elation when the British quit the field, grudgingly rewarding the Americans’ skill, discipline, and valor.

For an author of historical fiction, it was a remarkable experience; one which will heavily influence my fifth novel. For an American combat veteran, visiting the battlefield on Memorial Day, it was a humbling reminder of the grit, determination, and sacrifice of all those who stayed on in the ranks of the Continental Army and learned to beat the British at their own game. It also reminded me of the soldiers I have known who continued that tradition, and gave the last full measure of devotion.

After Valley Forge and Monmouth, the War for American Independence changed for good: no longer was it simply a contest of weak trying to survive against strong. The Continental Army had come of age, and with France and Spain going to war against Great Britain, it became a global war that threatened the very existence of the British Empire. The British soldiers would continue to despise their American foes, but on several occasions after Monmouth, British hubris would be severely punished at the point of American bayonets. The war would grind on for years, and the British Empire would survive, but ultimately it would do so without its thirteen erstwhile colonies.

So, ultimately, my visits to Valley Forge and Monmouth were successful. It cost us several pairs of soggy shoes, a couple of bug bites, and a few poison ivy rashes, but Gideon Hawke #5 will be the richer for it; and so will my children’s understanding of their heritage.

 

Valley Forge National Historical Park: https://www.nps.gov/vafo/index.htm

Monmouth Battlefield State Park: http://www.state.nj.us/dep/parksandforests/parks/monbat.html  

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It is a rare distinction indeed when a commander can claim to have lost one of the most decisive battles in history. “Gentleman Johnny” Burgoyne was one such commander.

In early 1777 John Burgoyne was a rising star in the constellation of the British military. He was an unlikely prospect: rumored to be the product of an illicit affair, he had a penchant for stylish (and expensive) uniforms, gambling, and the writing of plays. He twice sold his commission, once to clear gambling debts, and once to support the wife with whom he had eloped in 1751. Eventually reconciled with his father-in-law, who used his influence to advance Burgoyne’s career, Gentleman Johnny managed to buy another commission after the outbreak of the Seven Years War. He served with distinction in France and Portugal, and pioneered the concept of light cavalry in the British Army. He was also elected to Parliament, where he gained attention as a critic of the government.

Interestingly, Burgoyne was given the nickname “Gentleman Johnny” by his troops, who appreciated his fairness and concern for their welfare. He was unique in valuing individual thought and self-reliance among his enlisted troops. Whatever the officer corps thought of Burgoyne, he was a general for whom his troops would definitely fight.

When the American War for Independence erupted, Burgoyne was one of three major generals (the others being Howe and Clinton) sent to Boston to “reinforce” General Gage. Frustrated by inactivity, Burgoyne returned to England. In 1776 he commanded the expedition that relieved Quebec from American siege, but was again frustrated when his superior, Carelton, prevented him from pressing an offensive against Fort Ticonderoga in the fall of 1776. Again frustrated, and grieving the death of his wife, Burgoyne returned once again to England.

This time Burgoyne proposed a two-pronged attacked on the Hudson River Valley, with one force attacking north from New York while the other, commanded by him, attacked south out of Canada. It was a decent plan that failed to account for a few things: the vast distances involved, the climate, the rugged countryside, lack of Tory and Indian enthusiasm for his cause, American resilience, and appalling strategic mismanagement. Burgoyne’s plan might just have worked had Lord George Germain articulated an overall British strategy that included the details of Burgoyne’s plan, but he did not. Instead, General William Howe proceeded with his plan to capture Philadelphia. He set sail and spent several critical weeks at sea, this not only deprived Burgoyne of much-needed support, but also allowed Washington to transfer significant forces to the American Northern Department to oppose Burgoyne.

Compounding these errors was Burgoyne’s flair for drama. His attempts to overawe the Americans, and inspire Tories and allied Native American tribes, were absolute disasters. By unleashing several hundred Native American warriors he not only forced potential Loyalist recruits to stay home to protect their families, but he also enraged American sentiment. As he advanced farther south his supply system began to fail and his battlefield fortunes waned. As a result he Native Americans abandoned him, even as American forces converged on the Hudson Valley.

 

Finally, just north of Stillwater, New York, Burgoyne switched from playwright back to gambler: he rolled the dice two more times, and in battles that would become known as Freeman’s Farm and Bemis Heights, he lost. Defeated, he attempted to retreat, but the Americans were having none of it. Near a place then called Saratoga he soon found himself surrounded, massively outnumbered, and out of provisions. Finally, on October 17^th, 1777, Burgoyne surrendered his army of over five thousand men.

The shockwaves of Burgoyne’s surrender were immediately felt across the Atlantic. Saratoga directly precipitated France’s decision to join the American cause, turning the American War for Independence into a global war that threatened the entire British Empire. It also marked the end of Burgoyne’s military career.

John Burgoyne probably deserved a better fate. He was ambitious to a fault, but he also had a keen military mind and took the kind of calculated risks that fortune usually favors. His treatment of his troops was centuries ahead of its time. His superiors failed him, but he reaped the blame for the miscarriage of his campaign. He continued to write plays and be active in politics, but he will forever be best known as the pompous playwright who lost at Saratoga and thus made Britain’s war unwinnable.

Gentleman Johnny will appear in the forthcoming Gideon Hawke #4: A Constant Thunder.

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